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US Aid in the Spotlight: Balancing Domestic Needs with Global Commitments

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FEMA Faces Funding Shortfall After Hurricane Helene Batters East Coast, Mayorkas Under Pressure

As Hurricane Helene continues to wreak havoc along the East Coast, concerns are escalating over the Federal Emergency Management Agency’s (FEMA) ability to adequately respond due to funding constraints. These concerns, unfortunately, are proving to be well-founded in the wake of the storm’s devastation. This crisis unfolds amidst heightened scrutiny of Department of Homeland Security (DHS) Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas, following an impeachment attempt by House Republicans earlier this year.

In the aftermath of Hurricane Helene, FEMA’s funding shortfall is starkly apparent, highlighting the urgent need for robust disaster preparedness and sufficient resources for the agency. With the domestic funding shortage limiting assistance to affected residents to a mere $750, DHS leadership faces mounting pressure, potentially hindering FEMA’s capacity to effectively address the crisis.

Meanwhile…

A report from Brown University’s Cost of War Project found US spending on Israel totals at least $22.76 billion and counting. This is a conservative estimate that includes approved security assistance funding since October 7, 2023, supplemental funding for regional operations, and an estimated additional cost of operations. It does not include any other economic costs. The report also notes that the $17.9 billion the US government has approved in security assistance for Israeli military operations in Gaza and elsewhere since October 7 is substantially more than in any other year since the US began granting military aid to Israel in 1959. However, this is only a partial amount of the U.S. financial support provided during this war.

United States Offers Humanitarian Aid to Lebanon Amidst Escalating Crisis

The United States has announced a substantial humanitarian aid package to address the escalating crisis in Lebanon. The aid, which includes funding and essential supplies, aims to alleviate the suffering of the Lebanese people who are facing immense challenges. This assistance underscores the United States’ commitment to supporting Lebanon during this difficult time.

Supplemental Bill Signed into Law, Delivering Billions in Aid to Ukraine, Israel, and Taiwan

In a recent move to bolster international security and support key allies, a supplemental bill has been signed into law, allocating billions of dollars in aid to Ukraine, Israel, and Taiwan. This legislation underscores the United States’ commitment to global stability and its strategic partnerships in critical regions.

The aid package, according to the Biden-Harris Administration, will provide much-needed resources to Ukraine as it continues its war with Russia, as well as to Israel in its ongoing genocide of the Palestinian people, including in the wake of recent conflicts with Lebanon, Yemen, and Iran. Additionally, the bill includes provisions for Taiwan, aimed at enhancing its defense capabilities and deterring potential threats from China.

Official say this substantial financial commitment demonstrates a strong resolve to stand by allies and promote peace and security on the international stage.

“My commitment to Israel, I want to make clear again, is ironclad,” Biden said “The security of Israel is critical, and we’ll always make sure that Israel has what it needs to defend itself against Iran and the terrorists it supports.” 

“The only success the Biden administration could claim over the last year was that it had prevented an escalation of the war in Gaza from engulfing the region. However, Israel has interpreted unconditional U.S. support for its war – and unlimited weapons supply – as a green light to attack Lebanon and expand the war. This endangers not only civilians in another country but American citizens in Lebanon and across the region. The U.S. is being drawn ever closer to war with Iran. This is a complete and utter failure by the administration. We and others have warned about this for months. We are tired of “I told you so.” – Feds United for Peace

Domestic and international aid are both forms of assistance provided to those in need, but they differ in their scope and focus. Domestic aid refers to assistance provided within a country’s own borders, often in response to natural disasters, economic hardship, or social issues. On the other hand, international aid is directed towards other countries, typically to address humanitarian crises, promote development, or support strategic allies.

While both types of aid aim to alleviate suffering and improve lives, domestic aid is often seen as a government’s responsibility to its own citizens, whereas international aid is more discretionary and can be influenced by foreign policy objectives. Additionally, domestic aid is usually funded through taxpayer dollars, while international aid can come from a variety of sources, including American tax payers, government budgets, private donations, and international organizations.

In the current news cycle, we see examples of both domestic and international aid. Concerns over FEMA funding for Hurricane Helene highlight the importance of domestic disaster preparedness, while the US providing aid to Lebanon and a supplemental bill allocating funds to Ukraine, Israel, and Taiwan demonstrate the country’s commitment to international assistance.

Ultimately, both domestic and international aid play crucial roles in addressing global challenges and promoting human well-being, officials in Washington, DC say. The balance between these two forms of assistance often reflects a country’s values, priorities, and its role on the global stage.

The main causes of concern surrounding Hurricane Helene are:

  • FEMA’s preparedness and funding levels: There are worries about whether FEMA has adequate resources and is sufficiently prepared to handle Hurricane Helene’s disaster.
  • DHS Secretary Mayorkas: The ongoing political scrutiny of the DHS Secretary adds another layer of complexity and potential instability to the situation, which could impact the agency’s ability to respond effectively.
  • Hurricane Helene’s devastating impact: These factors combined create a heightened sense of anxiety and uncertainty about the government’s ability to manage the hurricane’s aftermath.

The main types of US government aid:

  • Humanitarian aid: This type of aid is exemplified by the assistance package provided to Lebanon to alleviate the suffering of people facing a crisis.
  • Military and defense aid: This is illustrated by the supplemental bill that allocates funds to Ukraine, Israel, and Taiwan to strengthen their defense capabilities and deter potential threats.
  • Disaster relief aid: Although not explicitly mentioned as international aid, the reference to FEMA funding for Hurricane Helene implies the importance of this type of aid within the US.

The key challenges facing FEMA in its response to Hurricane Helene are concerns over its preparedness and funding levels, compounded by the political scrutiny of DHS Secretary Mayorkas and the Biden-Harris Administration for centering international aid and support rather than domestic needs. These factors could potentially impact FEMA’s ability to respond effectively to the crisis.

How the US prioritizes its domestic and international aid efforts

Insights into the factors that influence these decisions:

  • Domestically, the focus is on disaster preparedness and response, as highlighted by the concerns surrounding FEMA’s readiness for Hurricane Helene. 
  • Internationally, the US prioritizes humanitarian aid in response to crises, as seen in Lebanon, and support for strategic allies and global stability, as evidenced by the aid package to Ukraine, Israel, and Taiwan. 
  • These priorities suggest a balance between immediate humanitarian needs, long-term strategic interests, and fulfilling the government’s responsibility to its citizens. However, the exact process and criteria for allocating resources between domestic and international aid are not specified.

California Rejects Reparations, Apologizes for Historical Role in Slavery Instead

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California Governor Gavin Newsom has signed a formal apology for the state’s historical involvement in slavery. This apology acknowledges the deep-rooted injustices and systemic racism that have persisted since the state’s early history, all while denying the historic injustice and brutality inflicted upon formerly enslaved people.

The apology may seem like a significant step towards recognizing the historical trauma experienced by enslaved people and their descendants, but it is not. It only serves as a reminder of the arduous and ongoing fight for racial justice and equality in America, and the nation’s staunch resistance to delivering justice the descendants of enslaved Black people deserve. 

Here are some specific examples of the injustices and systemic racism experienced by enslaved people and their descendants in California:

Enslavement and its immediate aftermath:

  • Forced labor and separation of families: Enslaved people were forced to work long hours in dangerous conditions, often separated from their families. They were not paid for their labor and had no control over their lives.
  • Physical and psychological abuse: Enslaved people were often subjected to physical and psychological abuse, including whippings, beatings, and sexual assault.
  • Denial of basic rights: Enslaved people were denied basic rights, such as the right to education, healthcare, and property ownership.

Post-emancipation discrimination:

  • Jim Crow laws: After the Civil War, California passed a series of Jim Crow laws that discriminated against Black people in housing, education, employment, and public accommodations. These laws remained in effect until the 1960s.
  • Redlining: Redlining was a discriminatory practice in which banks refused to lend money to Black people in certain neighborhoods. This made it difficult for Black people to buy homes and build wealth.
  • Mass incarceration: Black people are disproportionately incarcerated in California. This is due to a number of factors, including racial profiling, harsher sentencing laws, and the war on drugs.
  • Disparities in education and healthcare: Black students are more likely to be suspended or expelled from school than white students. They are also less likely to graduate from high school or college. Black people have a higher rate of infant mortality and are more likely to die from preventable diseases than white people.

These are just a few examples of the many injustices and systemic racism experienced by enslaved people and their descendants in California. The legacy of slavery continues to have a profound impact on Black communities today.

Here are some additional resources that you may find helpful:

Julian Assange: I Pled Guilty to Journalism

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Julian Assange’s full testimony to the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) in Strasbourg today:

“Mr. Chairman, esteemed members of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, ladies and gentlemen. The transition from years of confinement in a maximum-security prison to standing here before the representatives of 46 nations and 700 million people is a profound and surreal shift. The experience of isolation for years in a small cell is difficult to convey; it strips away one’s sense of self, leaving only the raw essence of existence.

I am not yet fully equipped to speak about what I have endured – the relentless struggle to stay alive, both physically and mentally, nor can i speak yet about the deaths by hanging, murder, and medical neglect of my fellow prisoners. I apologise in advance if my words falter or if my presentation lacks the polish you might expect in such a distinguished forum. Isolation has taken its toll, which I am trying to unwind, and expressing myself in this setting is a challenge. However, the gravity of this occasion and the weight of the issues at hand compel me to set aside my reservations and speak to you directly. I have traveled a long way, literally and figuratively, to be before you today.

Before our discussion or answering any questions you might have, I wish to thank PACE for its 2020 resolution (2317), [pace.coe.int/en/files/28508], which stated that my imprisonment set a dangerous precedent for journalists and noted that the UN Special Rapporteur on Torture called for my release. I’m also grateful for PACE’s 2021 statement [pace.coe.int/en/news/8446/p] expressing concern over credible reports that US officials discussed my assassination, again calling for my prompt release. And I commend the Legal Affairs and Human Rights Committee for commissioning a renowned rapporteur, Sunna Ævarsdóttir, to investigate the circumstances surrounding my detention and conviction and the consequent implications for human rights. However, like so many of the efforts made in my case – whether they were from parliamentarians, presidents, prime ministers, the Pope, UN officials and diplomats, unions, legal and medical professionals, academics, activists, or citizens – none of them should have been necessary.

None of the statements, resolutions, reports, films, articles, events, fundraisers, protests, and letters over the last 14 years should have been necessary. But all of them were necessary because without them I never would have seen the light of day. This unprecedented global effort was needed because of the legal protections that did exist, many existed only on paper or were not effective in any remotely reasonable time frame. I eventually chose freedom over unrealisable justice, after being detained for years and facing a 175 year sentence with no effective remedy. Justice for me is now precluded, as the US government insisted in writing into its plea agreement that I cannot file a case at the European Court of Human Rights or even a freedom of information act request over what it did to me as a result of its extradition request. I want to be totally clear. I am not free today because the system worked. I am free today because after years of incarceration because I plead guilty to journalism. I plead guilty to seeking information from a source. I plead guilty to obtaining information from a source.

And I plead guilty to informing the public what that information was. I did not plead guilty to anything else. I hope my testimony today can serve to highlight the weaknesses of the existing safeguards and to help those whose cases are less visible but who are equally vulnerable. As I emerge from the dungeon of Belmarsh, the truth now seems less discernible, and I regret how much ground has been lost during that time period when expressing the truth has been undermined, attacked, weakened, and diminished. I see more impunity, more secrecy, more retaliation for telling the truth and more self censorship. It is hard not to draw a line from the US government’s prosecution of me – its crossing the rubicon by internationally criminalising journalism – to the chilled climate for freedom of expression now. When I founded WikiLeaks, it was driven by a simple dream: to educate people about how the world works so that, through understanding, we might bring about something better. Having a map of where we are lets us understand where we might go. Knowledge empowers us to hold power to account and to demand justice where there is none. We obtained and published truths about tens of thousands of hidden casualties of war and other unseen horrors, about programs of assassination, rendition, torture, and mass surveillance.

We revealed not just when and where these things happened but frequently the policies, the agreements, and structures behind them. When we published Collateral Murder, the infamous gun camera footage of a US Apache helicopter crew eagerly blowing to pieces Iraqi journalists and their rescuers, the visual reality of modern warfare shocked the world. But we also used interest in this video to direct people to the classified policies for when the US military could deploy lethal force in Iraq and how many civilians could be killed before gaining higher approval. In fact, 40 years of my potential 175-year sentence was for obtaining and releasing these policies. The practical political vision I was left with after being immersed in the world’s dirty wars and secret operations is simple: Let us stop gagging, torturing, and killing each other for a change. Get these fundamentals right and other political, economic, and scientific processes will have space to take care of the rest. WikiLeaks’ work was deeply rooted in the principles that this Assembly stands for. Journalism that elevated freedom of information and the public’s right to know found its natural operational home in Europe. I lived in Paris and we had formal corporate registrations in France and in Iceland. Our journalistic and technical staff were spread throughout Europe. We published to the world from servers in based in France, Germany, and Norway. But 14 years ago the United States military arrested one of our alleged whistleblowers, PFC Manning, a US intelligence analyst based in Iraq.

The US government concurrently launched an investigation against me and my colleagues. The US government illicitly sent planes of agents to Iceland, paid bribes to an informer to steal our legal and journalistic work product, and without formal process pressured banks and financial services to block our subscriptions and freeze our accounts. The UK government took part in some of this retribution. It admitted at the European Court of Human Rights that it had unlawfully spied on my UK lawyers during this time. Ultimately this harassment was legally groundless. President Obama’s Justice Department chose not to indict me, recognizing that no crime had been committed. The United States had never before prosecuted a publisher for publishing or obtaining government information. To do so would require a radical and ominous reinterpretation of the US Constitution. In January 2017, Obama also commuted the sentence of Manning, who had been convicted of being one of my sources. However, in February 2017, the landscape changed dramatically. President Trump had been elected.

He appointed two wolves in MAGA hats: Mike Pompeo, a Kansas congressman and former arms industry executive, as CIA Director, and William Barr, a former CIA officer, as US Attorney General. By March 2017, WikiLeaks had exposed the CIA’s infiltration of French political parties, its spying on French and German leaders, its spying on the European Central Bank, European economics ministries, and its standing orders to spy on French industry as a whole. We revealed the CIA’s vast production of malware and viruses, its subversion of supply chains, its subversion of antivirus software, cars, smart TVs and iPhones. CIA Director Pompeo launched a campaign of retribution. It is now a matter of public record that under Pompeo’s explicit direction, the CIA drew up plans to kidnap and to assassinate me within the Ecuadorian Embassy in London and authorized going after my European colleagues, subjecting us to theft, hacking attacks, and the planting of false information.

My wife and my infant son were also targeted. A CIA asset was permanently assigned to track my wife and instructions were given to obtain DNA from my six month old son’s nappy. This is the testimony of more than 30 current and former US intelligence officials speaking to the US press, which has been additionally corroborated by records seized in a prosecution brought against some of the CIA agents involved. The CIA’s targeting of myself, my family and my associates through aggressive extrajudicial and extraterritorial means provides a rare insight into how powerful intelligence organisations engage in transnational repression. Such repressions are not unique. What is unique is that we know so much about this one due to numerous whistleblowers and to judicial investigations in Spain. This Assembly is no stranger to extraterritorial abuses by the CIA. PACE’s groundbreaking report on CIA renditions in Europe exposed how the CIA operated secret detention centres and conducted unlawful renditions on European soil, violating human rights and international law.

In February this year, the alleged source of some of our CIA revelations, former CIA officer Joshua Schulte, was sentenced to forty years in prison under conditions of extreme isolation. His windows are blacked out, and a white noise machine plays 24 hours a day over his door so that he cannot even shout through it. These conditions are more severe than those found in Guantanamo Bay. Transnational repression is also conducted by abusing legal processes. The lack of effective safeguards against this means that Europe is vulnerable to having its mutual legal assistance and extradition treaties hijacked by foreign powers to go after dissenting voices in Europe. In Mike Pompeo’s memoirs, which I read in my prison cell, the former CIA Director bragged about how he pressured the US Attorney General to bring an extradition case against me in response to our publications about the CIA. Indeed, acceding to Pompeo’s efforts, the US Attorney General reopened the investigation against me that Obama had closed and re-arrested Manning, this time as a witness. Manning was held in prison for over a year and fined a thousand dollars a day in a formal attempt to coerce her into providing secret testimony against me. She ended up attempting to take her own life. We usually think of attempts to force journalists to testify against their sources.

But Manning was now a source being forced to testify against their journalist. By December 2017, CIA Director Pompeo had got his way, and the US government issued a warrant to the UK for my extradition. The UK government kept the warrant secret from the public for two more years, while it, the US government, and the new president of Ecuador moved to shape the political, legal, and diplomatic ground for my arrest. When powerful nations feel entitled to target individuals beyond their borders, those individuals do not stand a chance unless there are strong safeguards in place and a state willing to enforce them. Without them no individual has a hope of defending themselves against the vast resources that a state aggressor can deploy. If the situation were not already bad enough in my case, the US government asserted a dangerous new global legal position. Only US citizens have free speech rights. Europeans and other nationalities do not have free speech rights. But the US claims its Espionage Act still applies to them regardless of where they are. So Europeans in Europe must obey US secrecy law with no defences at all as far as the US government is concerned. An American in Paris can talk about what the US government is up to – perhaps. But for a Frenchman in Paris, to do so is a crime without any defence and he may be extradited just like me.

Now that one foreign government has formally asserted that Europeans have no free speech rights, a dangerous precedent has been set. Other powerful states will inevitably follow suit. The war in Ukraine has already seen the criminalisation of journalists in Russia, but based on the precedent set in my extradition, there is nothing to stop Russia, or indeed any other state, from targeting European journalists, publishers, or even social media users, by claiming that their secrecy laws have been violated. The rights of journalists and publishers within the European space are seriously threatened. Transnational repression cannot become the norm here. As one of the world’s two great norm-setting institutions, PACE must act. The criminalisation of newsgathering activities is a threat to investigative journalism everywhere. I was formally convicted, by a foreign power, for asking for, receiving, and publishing truthful information about that power while I was in Europe.

The fundamental issue is simple: Journalists should not be prosecuted for doing their jobs. Journalism is not a crime; it is a pillar of a free and informed society. Mr Chairman, distinguished delegates, if Europe is to have a future where the freedom to speak and the freedom to publish the truth are not privileges enjoyed by a few but rights guaranteed to all then it must act so that what has happened in my case never happens to anyone else. I wish to express my deepest gratitude to this assembly, to the conservatives, social democrats, liberals, leftists, greens, and independents – who have supported me throughout this ordeal and to the countless individuals who have advocated tirelessly for my release. It is heartening to know that in a world often divided by ideology and interests, there remains a shared commitment to the protection of essential human liberties. Freedom of expression and all that flows from it is at a dark crossroad. I fear that unless norm setting institutions like PACE wake up to the gravity of the situation it will be too late.

Let us all commit to doing our part to ensure that the light of freedom never dims, that the pursuit of truth will live on, and that the voices of the many are not silenced by the interests of the few.”

Watch the entire hearing here (includes introductions and following Q&A session):  youtube.com/live/Mq85IZMei

Sankofa Café Owner: You’re Not a Special N-Word In The Room

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Haile Gerima called me a “nigger” in front of a crowd of Black elders, Howard University students and professors. They clapped for him after the disinformation he spewed in anger about the history and story of Maroons. This happened at his establishment, Sankofa Café on Georgia Ave in DC during a talk on the book, I Am Maroon.

After sharing my views on the use of the term Maroon and that my tribal community does not use the term because of what it means, (run away slave) Haile Gerima made his way to the front of the room to speak on the issue and after a brief back and forth with me spewed angrily, “Don’t say you’re a special nigger in the middle of Negros. That’s brag language. You’re not special, you’re not special, you’re not special. What I’m trying to tell you is all Black people made history out of their circumstances.”

Haile Gerima during the Q&A: https://youtu.be/s5sHg_UQvmU

In spite of what I know, including the books I’ve read, as well as my lived experience, I was told to crawl back into my cave, slandered, dismissed and insulted when I spoke about the history, meaning and impact of the word Maroon on my Pamaka culture. I was speaking as a so-called Maroon from Suriname. During the Q&A session I applauded the two speakers, children of the late author, Russell Shoatz, a gang member who turned political activist after hearing Malcolm X speak. He was sentenced to life in prison “following a coordinated attack in Fairmont Park that left one park guard dead.” He was affectionately called Maroon for his attempts to break out of the prison walls that kept him away from his community, activism and the life he deserved to live if justice knew its way to him and all those marred in the ongoing freedom struggle for a just America.

My comment during the Q&A: https://youtu.be/WvQ4-bxQRpQ

Simply expressing my disgust, shock and dismay at being called “nigger” by the owner of Sankofa will not suffice this storytelling. Because something deeper, more meaningful, even eye-opening took place that Saturday evening at Sankofa, a place I had come to enjoy for its unique African celebrations and elevation of Black voices.

Haile Gerima, a stranger to me, was angry and hostile when he addressed me while speaking to the crowd that had gathered to listen to the book talk. He took issue with my earlier comment by covertly insulting me, followed by dismissing all I had shared,  even disregarding my lived experience and cultural knowledge and understanding of history and basic facts of Maroons. At one point he even unfurled a long list of supposed names used to describe Maroons. One of the words was Ifu Gadu Wani. I was shocked to see my tribal language on the list that seem to have been put together rather flimsily. I said “Ifu Gadu Wani” is my tribal language, Pamaka. I speak it, write it and know that it does not mean Maroon, nor has it ever been used as another word for Maroon. The phrase actually means God willing and literally, “If God wants.” I grew up in Suriname with my mother and elders saying this phrase all the time. Haile Gerima pumped with ego and adrenaline refused to listen. I even held up the book I brought along to offer as reference for this knowledge, The Maroons of Jamaica 1655-1796, A History of Resistance, Collaboration & Betrayal, by Mavis C. Cambell but it fell on deaf ears with a dismissive retort, “why do you think I don’t have that book!” Haile Gerima got so riled up he crouched like a wild beast readying to pounce its prey, leaned forward with hate-filled eyes and fire in his breath and said, “Don’t say you’re a special nigger in the middle of negros. That’s brag language. You’re not special, you’re not special, you’re not special!”

I never said I was a special “nigger” in the room. I simply said many of those who are called Maroons,  a name the British first called escaped enslaved Africans in Jamaica, do not refer to themselves as Maroons. Many of us come from different tribes and even speak different dialects and practice different tribal customs. We are Tribal African people, not Maroons.

I was shocked hearing “nigger” thrown at me so maliciously and flippantly. The word traveled in slow motion across this so-called sacred Black space called Sankofa.

Haile Gerima’s anger and toxic ego was on full display.  I don’t know Haile Gerima. Had never met or even heard of him before Saturday night at Sankofa. When I go to the Café it is usually for a topic I find interesting and meaningful to my own life and pursuit of storytelling and documenting.

During previous visits I spoke to several of the staff there who handled speaking events about having a talk on the word Maroon. I also wrote to them requesting the opportunity to speak about my I Am Not Your Maroon campaign to educate about the word that, similar to the word “nigger” also carries its own trauma and inhumanity for Tribal African people. They never took me up on the offer. However, when I saw that I Am Maroon was going to be a book talk, I didn’t hesitate to attend. I wanted to know more about the book and why the author called himself Maroon. I also wanted to engage them as an actual so-called Maroon.

I left Sankofa with a heavy heart and disappointed spirit. This so-called safe space for Black people and Black stories was not safe at all. That evening I experienced a café and book store that defended sharing misinformation and disinformation. And one led by a man who labelled me a bragger who sees herself as a “special nigger among negros” for not wanting to be called a Maroon… a run away slave.

After the event was over, I stayed seated for a few minutes gathering myself, my thoughts and my exit plan. As people made their way to the stage for signatures, an older gentleman came over to me and apologized for Haile Gerima’s behavior. He said it was uncalled for and told me briefly about his character and hot temper. It was the old excuse line, “this is who he is, he’s always like this and I’m sorry that happened to you.” As I made my way to the exit one of the HU professors came over to shake my hand and greet me because she had never met someone from Suriname before. In the small talks, I saw an opening. There, the moderator and a few other elders had circled around Haile Gerima. They were gleefully speaking and engaging, as if this man didn’t just call me a nigger in front of them. It was like the standing ovation Will Smith received at the Oscars after slapping Chris Rock for no good reason. During his tirade the old man threw an insincere and hallow apology my way, called me “sister” a few times and said we could speak further after the event because after all, he was happy to see a “sister” from Suriname at the event.

I quietly took my exit.

Sankofa on Georgia Ave in Washington, DC claims to hold sacred the stories and history of Black folks and their experience. Enter at your own risk though and never forget, “Don’t say you’re a special nigger in the middle of Negros. You’re not special.”

Campaigns to eliminate to use of the word Maroon to describe a People are not new. And neither is the hostility and push back against this long standing movement. And the pushback is not from white people, but from Black folks who are not called Maroons and burdened with the stigma it carries. This fight is no different than the one Malcolm X poignantly spoke of when he described the difference between the house Negro and the field Negro. And like Malcolm, I too am a field Negro. Just don’t call me Maroon. And if the great orator and writer James Baldwin can say to his American oppressors, I Am Not Your Negro, so too can Tribal Africans in the Americas say, I Am Not Your Maroon.

 

Jeanette Lenoir, Founder, ePluribusAmerica

A Historic Moment: NYC Mayor Eric Adams Faces Federal Indictment

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In a shocking turn of events, New York City Mayor Eric Adams is facing a federal indictment and a possible 45 year prison sentence. This marks a historic moment as it’s a rare occurrence for a sitting mayor of such a prominent city to be indicted. The details of the indictment were just revealed, and the news has already sent ripples through the political landscape.

Historically, indictments of sitting mayors in NYC have been infrequent, with only a handful of cases in the city’s long history. This event could potentially have significant ramifications for the city’s governance and political future. As the legal proceedings unfold, the citizens of New York City will be closely watching how this situation develops and what it means for their city.

Potential ramifications of the indictment for the city’s governance and political future could include:

  • Political instability: The indictment could lead to a period of political instability, with potential power struggles and a loss of public trust in the city government.
  • Policy changes: Depending on the nature of the charges, the indictment could lead to a shift in policy priorities or a slowdown in decision-making.
  • Impact on future elections: The indictment could significantly impact future mayoral elections and the overall political landscape of the city.
  • Damage to the city’s reputation: The indictment could further tarnish the city’s reputation and affect its ability to attract businesses and investments.

    Mayor Adams’ response to the indictment is HERE.

    Eric Adams, a former police captain and Brooklyn borough president, was elected Mayor of New York City in 2021. He campaigned on a platform of public safety, economic recovery, and social justice, and has been a vocal advocate for police reform and addressing racial disparities. Adams, a Democrat, is known for his charismatic personality and outspoken style. Prior to his political career, he served in the New York City Transit Police and the New York City Police Department for over two decades.

    You can read the full grand jury indictment, United States of America v. Eric Adams, HERE.

    Tishomingo Public Schools Cancels Homecoming Amid Racism Storm

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    Tishomingo Public Schools in Oklahoma has canceled its homecoming activities, including the football game, after a photo of six high school students displaying a racial slur surfaced on social media.

    The image, which depicts the students wearing Scrabble tiles to spell out the slur, quickly went viral, prompting widespread condemnation. Superintendent Brandon Moreland issued an apology and condemned the students’ actions, stating that “racism and discrimination, in any form, will never be tolerated or accepted on our campus.”

    The school district also cited “safety and security concerns” as a reason for canceling the homecoming events. This decision came after discussions with local law enforcement, highlighting the seriousness of the situation.

    While some community members on social media claimed the photo was taken as part of a spirit week activity where students were encouraged to wear Scrabble tiles, Moreland did not confirm or deny this in his statement. The school district has not yet responded to requests for further comment.

    Moreland emphasized the district’s commitment to fostering a safe and inclusive environment for all students. He stated that the school administration took swift disciplinary action and contacted the parents of the students involved. However, due to privacy laws, the specific details of the disciplinary measures remain confidential.

    This incident has sparked outrage and disappointment within the Tishomingo community. It serves as a stark reminder of the ongoing issue of racism and the importance of promoting respect and understanding in educational institutions.


    A History of Racism in American Schools: A Legacy of Segregation and Discrimination

    The history of racism in American schools is a long and complex one, deeply intertwined with the broader history of racial injustice in the United States. From the era of slavery through the Civil Rights Movement and beyond, schools have often been battlegrounds for racial equality, reflecting and reinforcing societal prejudices while also serving as crucibles for social change.

    Early Segregation and Discrimination:

    • Pre-Civil War: During the era of slavery, Black people were denied access to education. In the North, where slavery was not openly celebrated, Black schools were segregated and underfunded.
    • Post-Reconstruction: Following the Civil War, the Fourteenth Amendment guaranteed equal protection under the law, but de facto segregation remained deeply entrenched in American schools. Black schools were often inferior to white schools, with fewer resources and less qualified teachers.
    • Jim Crow Laws: The late 19th and early 20th centuries saw the rise of Jim Crow laws, which legalized racial segregation in all aspects of life, including education. Black students were forced to attend separate schools, which were often overcrowded and dilapidated.

    The Civil Rights Movement and Beyond:

    • Brown v. Board of Education: The landmark 1954 Supreme Court decision in Brown v. Board of Education declared racial segregation in public schools unconstitutional. This decision marked a turning point in the fight for racial equality in education, but the process of desegregation was slow and often met with resistance.
    • Desegregation Efforts: The decades following Brown v. Board saw a gradual increase in school desegregation, but progress was often uneven. Many districts resisted desegregation, and Black students continued to face discrimination and inequality in schools.
    • Contemporary Challenges: While significant progress has been made in desegregating schools, racial disparities in education persist. Black students are more likely to attend high-poverty schools with fewer resources and less qualified, and predominantly white teachers. They are also more likely to be suspended or expelled from school.

    The History of Racism:

    The history of racism in American schools continues to have a profound impact on Black students. They are more likely to experience discrimination, harassment, and microaggressions, which can negatively impact their academic performance and mental health. Addressing these issues requires a multi-pronged approach, including:

    • Implicit Bias Training: Educators need to be aware of their own implicit biases and how they can impact their interactions with students.
    • Culturally Responsive Pedagogy: Teachers should use teaching methods that are inclusive of all students’ cultures and backgrounds.
    • Diversity and Inclusion Initiatives: Schools need to hire more Black educators and create a welcoming and inclusive environment for all students, regardless of their race or ethnicity.

    The fight for racial equality in American schools is far from over. By acknowledging the history of racism in education and taking steps to address its ongoing terror, we can create a more just and equitable learning environment for all students, and severely punish those who participate in racial hatred.

    Additional Resources:

    Tennessee State University: A History of Underfunding an HBCU

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    Tennessee State University (TSU) has a long and proud history as a Historically Black Land-Grant University (HBCU). However, this history is also marked by a legacy of underfunding by the state of Tennessee.

    Established in 1912, TSU was created as a result of the federal government’s decision to provide funding for separate land-grant colleges for Black students in states that maintained segregated higher education systems. While these land-grant schools were intended to receive “just and equitable” funding, TSU, like many other HBCUs, has consistently received far less state support than its predominantly white counterparts.

    This historical underfunding has had significant consequences for TSU. The university has been forced to operate with limited resources, impacting its ability to provide students with the same level of educational opportunities and facilities as other land-grant institutions.

    Recent studies have highlighted the extent of this underfunding. A 2021 analysis by the Tennessee Office of Legislative Budget Analysis found that the state’s failure to match federal research funds to TSU resulted in a shortfall of $151 million to $544 million since 1957. Furthermore, the Biden administration determined that Tennessee had underfunded TSU by a staggering $2.1 billion over the past 30 years, the highest amount of any state in the nation.

    While the state has recently allocated $250 million to TSU for infrastructure projects, this funding only begins to address the historical inequities faced by the university. TSU’s story serves as a powerful reminder of the ongoing impact of systemic racism and the urgent need for equitable funding for HBCUs across the country.

    US Support for Israel Harms National Security

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    Josh Paul
    Former Director, U.S. Department of State.
    Senior Advisor at DAWN, (DAWN; Founded by Jamal Khashoggi in 2018, DAWN promotes democracy & human rights in the Middle East and North Africa).
    https://dawnmena.org/

    Current US policies towards Israel are damaging to our own national security. In addition to the harms our complicity in Israel’s war on Gaza has done (damaging our credibility, destabilizing the Middle East, increasing threats to our security and military forces, undermining of the rules-based international order to name a few), there are new and further risks resulting from Israel’s recent “pager” attacks in Lebanon.

    First, physically implanting explosives is much harder than implanting spyware and damaging malware. Given the integration of Israeli and U.S. tech sectors, this is something that should concern us all. To give just one example, as Eye on Surveillance describes, Israeli surveillance technology being integrated into US city and port security systems (eg, in New Orleans) should raise both privacy and national security concerns, even beyond those associated with broader concerns about the surveillance state. At a time when the US Government is focused on concerns about PRC infiltration of US systems and databases (eg TikTok), turning a blind eye to the threat Israel poses is unwise. In fact, I would say it would be appropriate to think of Israel’s leveraging of its tech sector the same way we think of the PRC’s “Military-Civil Fusion” in which the line between government and the private sector is blurred to the point of meaninglessness (Israel’s intervention in lawsuits concerning the supposedly private sector Pegasus spyware provides another datapoint in this space).

    Another concern for the US should be the response of consumers around the world. For years the US has been urging countries to avoid integrating PRC technologies and corporations (eg Huawei) into their national security systems and supply chains. Israel’s operation will have significantly increased distrust of Western hardware and software, particularly in the Global South, making US efforts to pitch alternatives to PRC systems that much harder, again to the detriment of US national security.

    As others have noted, these attacks violate international law, including Israel’s commitments under the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons which prohibits “booby-traps” that could expose civilians to harm. As Lebanon is a party to the ICC, the (bad-faith) arguments the US has been making regarding Palestine’s legitimacy as a party to the Rome Treaty do not apply here, and I hope the Court will investigate these attacks and pursue charges as appropriate. Should they do so, it would be in America’s own interest to distance ourselves from Israel’s manipulation of the tech sector, by endorsing them.

    Eye on Surveillance Article on NOLA: https://lnkd.in/eVM2eTYX

    CSIS on PRC Military-Civil Fusion: https://lnkd.in/eCKgrsYF

    GOI Intervention in Pegasus case: https://lnkd.in/e8cr6Xc9

    The Civil Liberties Act of 1988: Righting a Wrong, Except the Historical Injustice of Slavery

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    In 1988, President Ronald Reagan signed the Civil Liberties Act, a landmark piece of legislation that sought to address one of the darkest chapters in American history: the forced internment of Japanese Americans during World War II. This act provided a formal apology and tax-free restitution to those who were unjustly incarcerated, and to their surviving spouses or descendants.

    The internment of Japanese Americans was a grave violation of civil liberties, fueled by fear and prejudice. The Civil Liberties Act of 1988 was a significant step towards acknowledging this injustice and providing some measure of reparation to those who suffered. It serves as a reminder of the importance of upholding civil rights and the dangers of unchecked discrimination.

    The Civil Liberties Act of 1988 holds significant importance in the broader context of civil rights history as it represents a formal acknowledgment and apology for a grave injustice perpetrated by the U.S. government against a specific ethnic group. By providing reparations, it set a precedent for addressing historical wrongs and recognizing the importance of upholding civil liberties for all, regardless of race or ethnicity. This act serves as a reminder of the dangers of prejudice and discrimination, and the ongoing struggle to ensure equality and justice for all.

    In contrast to the justice given to the Japanese American victims of internment, the Supreme Court of Oklahoma has once again denied a petition brought by the last two living survivors of the Tulsa Race Massacre. This decision perpetuates a significant miscarriage of justice, as the City of Tulsa was involved in the white supremacist violence that destroyed the Greenwood community and killed hundreds of its residents. Despite the ongoing discovery of victims’ remains in mass graves, the City of Tulsa maintains that the survivors do not deserve restitution.

    Reparations for Slavery: Addressing a Historical Injustice

    The issue of reparations for slavery has been a topic of ongoing debate in the United States. It centers on the idea of providing compensation to the descendants of enslaved Africans for the immense harm and injustices inflicted upon them and their ancestors.

    Proponents argue that reparations are necessary to acknowledge the legacy of slavery and its enduring impact on African Americans, including economic disparities, systemic racism, and intergenerational trauma. They propose various forms of reparations, such as direct payments, educational opportunities, healthcare access, and community development initiatives.

    Opponents, however, raise concerns about the practicality and fairness of reparations, questioning who should receive them, how they should be funded, and whether they would truly address the root causes of racial inequality.

    Comparing and Contrasting Reparations for Japanese Internment and Slavery

    Similarities:

    • Both represent attempts to address historical injustices perpetrated by the U.S. government against specific groups.
    • Both involve acknowledging the harm inflicted and providing some form of compensation or restitution.
    • Both face challenges in terms of determining eligibility, forms of reparation, and addressing the long-term effects of the injustice.

    Differences:

    • Nature of Injustice: Japanese internment was a temporary, albeit traumatic, violation of civil liberties during wartime, while slavery was a centuries-long system of brutal oppression and dehumanization.
    • Scale of Impact: Slavery affected millions of Africans and their descendants over generations, while Japanese internment affected a smaller, though still significant, number of people.
    • Form of Reparations: Japanese internment reparations primarily involved monetary compensation and a formal apology, while reparations for slavery encompass a broader range of proposals, including direct payments, educational opportunities, healthcare access, and community development.
    • Current Status: Reparations for Japanese internment were implemented through the Civil Liberties Act of 1988, while reparations for slavery remain a topic of ongoing debate and have not yet been realized at a national level.

    Conclusion:

    While both Japanese internment and slavery represent grave injustices in American history, the scale, nature, and lasting impact of each differ significantly. This has led to different approaches and outcomes in the pursuit of reparations. The Civil Liberties Act of 1988 serves as a precedent for acknowledging and addressing historical wrongs, but the debate over reparations for slavery highlights the complexities and challenges of redressing the deep-seated legacy of this institution.

    While the debate continues, the call for reparations for slavery highlights the deep-seated wounds of the past and the ongoing struggle for racial justice in America. It serves as a reminder of the need for honest dialogue and meaningful action to address the historical and contemporary effects of slavery.

    Federal Investigation Demanded After Tulsa Race Massacre Survivors Denied Justice

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    The Oklahoma Supreme Court dealt another devastating blow to the last two living survivors of the Tulsa Race Massacre, Lessie Benningfield Randle and Viola Fletcher, by denying their petition for justice.

    On September 11, the AP reported, “The Oklahoma Supreme Court has rejected a request to reconsider its ruling to dismiss a lawsuit filed by the last two known living survivors of the 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre. Without comment, seven members of the court on Tuesday turned away the request by 110-year-old Viola Fletcher and 109-year-old Lessie Benningfield Randle to rehear its June ruling that upheld a decision by a district court judge in Tulsa to dismiss the case. Justice James Edmondson would have reheard the case and Justice Richard Darby did not vote.” 

    The decision has effectively perpetuated one of the most egregious miscarriages of justice in American history.

    The City of Tulsa, complicit in the white supremacist violence that destroyed the thriving Black community of Greenwood in 1921, keeps evaded accountability. And the courts decision comes even as the remains of Massacre victims continue to be unearthed from mass graves, a chilling reminder of the atrocities committed.

    Still, despite the setback, the fight for justice is far from over according to the attorneys for the survivors, including lead counsel Damario Solomon-Simmons, who have vowed to continue the pursuit of justice through every available avenue. The survivors themselves, despite their advanced age, remain determined to see the perpetrators held accountable.

    The denial of justice in Oklahoma has sparked renewed calls for a federal investigation into the Tulsa Race Massacre. Advocates are urging President Biden and Vice President Harris, who have personally met with the survivors, to invoke the Emmett Till Unsolved Civil Rights Crimes Act to address this historical injustice. Thus far, the only action towards justice the Biden-Harris Administration has taken is in the form of a proclamation on May 31, 2021. “Today, on this solemn centennial of the Tulsa Race Massacre, I call on the American people to reflect on the deep roots of racial terror in our Nation and recommit to the work of rooting out systemic racism across our country,” Biden states. In other words, and to this day, the government will only offer its “thoughts and prayers” for the grave injustice committed against the victims of the Tulsa Race Massacre, including for the over 400 years of slavery in America. 

    Nonetheless, the fight for justice for the Tulsa Race Massacre survivors is not just about the past; it’s about confronting the ongoing legacy of racism and systemic injustice. It’s about ensuring that the stories of Greenwood, its people, and its destruction are never forgotten. As we stand at this critical juncture in our nations history, it is imperative that we support the survivors and demand accountability for the crimes committed against them and their community similar to the 1988 Civil Liberties Act when President Ronald Reagan signed the landmark piece of legislation that sought to address one of the darkest chapters in American history: the forced internment of Japanese Americans during World War II. This act provided a formal apology and tax-free restitution to those who were unjustly incarcerated, and to their surviving spouses or descendants. 

    About The Tulsa Race Massacre

    The Tulsa Race Massacre took place in 1921 when a mob of white individuals, deputized and armed by municipal and county officials, killed, looted, and burned down the Greenwood area. The Massacre resulted in the murder of more than 300 Tulsans and the destruction of the prosperous Greenwood neighborhood, often referred to as “Black Wall Street.”

    About Greenwood

    Greenwood, most revered for “Black Wall Street” was co-founded by Black Creeks—it became one of the most prosperous, organized, and successful Black communities in United States history, and a place for Black people to escape the political, economic, and social oppression of southern lawmakers post-civil war.